Off the Wall: AIDS and Public Art
Artery: The AIDS-Arts Forum, 1999 (an earlier version of this essay appeared on the Queer Arts Resources website)
Many of the most compelling artworks of the late-80s and early-90s engage the spector of
AIDS--in sorrow, rage, and remembrance. Although most critics and curators
are well aware of the importance of AIDS-themed works by artists like
painter Ross Bleckner or photographer Duane Michals, few have a clue that
artists and art-activists created an alternative body of street- and
public artworks about AIDS that was far more influential. Remarkably, the
iconic images or symbols of this plague are not made-for-TV movies,
photojournalistic pictures, or schmaltzy pop songs, but the "NAMES Project
Quilt," a community artwork, and two artist-conceived emblems,
"Silence=Death" and the "Red Ribbon." Their effectiveness is testimony
both to the power of art and the limits of popular culture.
Like everything touched by
AIDS, the art it spawned has been relentlessly politicized and ruthlessly
"mediated." Art about AIDS is, in part, a moving record of resistance to
those who exploit tragedy for political gain or for the sensationalistic,
commercial purposes of the media. The story of AIDS-public-art cannot be
told without invoking the media: Art about AIDS was initially catalyzed by
the excruciatingly "negative" pictures of people with AIDS featured on the
nightly news and in the morning papers.
During the first few years
of the epidemic-the early '80s--the media offered only images of emaciated
AIDS "victims" and "disease carriers." They were not-so-subtly identified
as either "innocent" or "guilty." Hemophiliacs and children were
"innocent" victims, while gay men and IV drug users were "guilty." Is it
any wonder that in such a climate the Gran Fury collective's outdoor
art-banner annoucing that "All People With AIDS Are Innocent" caused a
furor when it was exhibited at New York's Henry Street Settlement for the
second Day Without Art in 1990? The first wave of AIDS art was produced
with but one propagandistic purpose: to counter such horrific, media
representations.
* * *
This single-minded response
to social crisis brought modern art back to its roots. Two centuries ago,
the painters of the French Revolution gave birth to modern art with images
like David's famous "Death of Marat" (1793). There was nothing
extraordinary about depicting a martyred leader. But David's depiction
upended three centuries' precedent: He painted a contemporary figure as he
was--a man with an incurable skin disease soaking in a tub. David neither
idealized nor allegorized him.
Since then, artists and
theorists have debated the role of art in time of crisis. If Picasso's
"Guernica" (1937)--the painter's up-to-the-minute
portrayal of Franco's bombing of a Basque village--is the exemplary,
20th-century, political artwork, it is also an anomaly from an era when
painting jettisoned its social moorings in order to explore the
characteristics of form and abstraction. AIDS activists and artists found
few role models in modern art. They instead revitalized public art,
producing symbols and icons, posters and memorials such as the AIDS quilt.
Their public artworks reached millions.
Back in the mid-80s,
photography seemed like an effective way to confront both the demoralizing
media imagery about AIDS and the threat of the cunningly unstoppable
virus. But its mechanical grounding in the appearance of reality would
prove to be nearly useless in dealing with a syndrome lacking visual
chartacteristics. What does AIDS look like? Well-intentioned, mostly
lesbian and gay, photographers produced hundreds of sympathetic portraits
of people with AIDS, images of PWAs living with--rather than dying
from--HIV disease. But their portraits are often unsettlingly difficult to
figure out. Just who are their smiling subjects, these perfectly average
looking Joes and Janes?
A furor arose with the
first high-profile presentation of pictures of people with AIDS. In 1988,
the Museum of Modern Art in New York showed portraits by Nicholas Nixon,
who is neither gay nor afflicted with HIV. His serial images of the
declining health of people with AIDS offer an unsentimentalized, sometimes
grim record of courage and despair in the face of death. Members of ACT-UP (the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power)
protested the negativity they saw in Nixon's work with a picture-side
teach-in. (This was one of two anti-MOMA demonstrations ACT-UP staged that
year; the other protested the exclusion of AIDS-activist graphics from the
museum's "Committed to Print" show.)
Nixon's pictures are, in
fact, often grim accounts of the virus' murderous capability, but they are
also a welcome record of its effect on a diverse, not-always-gay
population of heterosexual women-of-color and hemophiliacs. As the first
body of work exhibited on an extremely public stage, they also suffered
from impossible expectations. Like Jonathan Demme's "Philadelphia"
(1993)--the first Hollywood film about AIDS--Nixon's pictures were somehow
expected to appeal to everybody: To simultaneously win over bigoted or
uncommitted museum goers; and to foment activism and buck up the spirits
of people with AIDS. No single body of work could possibly work such
magic.
The broadsheets the
ACT-UPpers distributed at MOMA demanded both "no more pictures without
[political] context" and images of PWAs "who are loving, vibrant, sexy and
acting up." An abyss seemed to separate Nixon's controversial "negative"
imagery from the blandly "positive" portraiture of the
photographer-sympathizers. If portraying people with AIDS wasn't the
answer, many observers wondered, how could art help change minds and
alleviate this crisis?
Gran Fury, an artists'
collective that operated as New York ACT UP's propaganda office, offered
another "answer"--actually another modus operandi--by creating a
strikingly public, non-museum role for art attempting to combat the
epidemic. (Gran Fury primarily comprised Richard Elovich, Avram
Finkelstein, Tom Kalin, John Lindell, Loring McAlpin, Marlene McCarty,
Donald Moffett, Michael Nesline, Terry Riley, Mark Simpson and Robert
Vasquez.) Rejecting portraits of people with AIDS, the group instead gave
visual form to the shocking statistics emanating daily from the federal
Centers for Disease Control and New York's Department of Health. Gran Fury
formulated an ambitious agenda to provide the "context" other Act-UPpers
had found lacking in Nixon's work. Its members wanted to dispense
essential information that the government wasn't. They targeted the
street, rather than the gallery, and they recognized that images are far
more empowering when accompanied by words of explanation and elaboration.
The collective's graphic
streetworks that began to appear in 1988 married the methods of art,
advertising, and education. They cut a wide psychic swath across the AIDS
landscape. One print offered the alarming news that one in 61 babies born
in New York is HIV positive and another wittily cajoled men to "Use
Condoms or Beat It." Gran Fury's first institution-sponsored graphic
admonished artworldings to fight AIDS, because "With 47,524 Dead, Art Is
Not Enough." The toll, of course, continued to mount.
The artworld is an
eco-system--curators often collaborate with artists, and imagery sometimes
travels from street to gallery, and then back again. Gran Fury came into
being with the encouragement of activist-curator William Olander, who
invited the ACT UP committee that later became Gran Fury to create a
piece for the New Museum of Contemporary Art's window on bustling, lower
Broadway in Soho. Olander commissioned the installation because he'd been
so impressed by the highly-visible work of another collective allied
with--but predating--ACT UP called the Silence = Death Project.
This group's six,
(anonymous) gay men conceived the graphic emblem that has become
synonymous with ACT UP and AIDS activism: SILENCE=DEATH printed in white
type beneath a pink triangle, all set on a black ground. To create it,
they inverted the pink triangle the Nazis forced
homosexuals to wear in concentration camps--and which gay activists of the
seventies had already "appropriated" as a symbol of gay liberation. A neon
version of the logo was a central element in "Let the Record Show," ACT
UP's feisty installation at the New Museum indicting the Reagan-Bush
administrations's inaction on AIDS. It now hangs in the museum's
collection.
As Gran Fury's artful
propaganda grew more self-assured, it increasingly migrated to more
established and better-funded locations. In these public (and often
publicly funded) sites, it also generated non-stop controversy. The
group's famous Benetton-ad-inspired image of three, interracial, homo- and
heterosexual couples kissing above the caption "Kissing doesn't kill:
Greed and indifference do," raised hackles across the country as part of
Art Against AIDS's "Art On the Road" project in 1990. Their placement on
the side of Chicago buses, for instance, prompted one Chicago alderman to
call the print "an incitement to homosexuality." Gran Fury's contribution
to the Venice "Bienalle" the same year, nearly got the group prosecuted
for obscenity.
Bear in mind that the
"Bienalle" is the most prestigious of regular international exhibitions;
an invitation to participate telegraphs the news that an artist (or, in
this case, an art collective) has arrived. Gran Fury seized the
opportunity to export its hell-raising methods to Europe. Its so-called
"Pope Piece" paired two billboard-sized panels: one coupled the image of
the pope with a text about the church's anti-safe-sex rhetoric; the other
a two-foot-high erect cock with texts about women and condom use. Italian
authorities--including "Bienalle" officials--considered prosecuting the
group for blasphemy. Only the intervention of sympathetic magistrates
precluded an international scandal.
Gran Fury's spectacular
entrance into the public arena coincided with an epochal,
once-in-a-century shift in consciousness. This passage from modernism to
post-modernism meant that what could be seen only as an artist's protest
poster in the context of the Vietnam War, could, 20 years later, be
regarded as art. It also linked Gran Fury's work with a number of key
art-players of the moment, such as Barbara Kruger and Hans Haacke. This
was hardly an accident. The savvy, art-school-educated members of Gran
Fury consciously looked to such art for inspiration, while supportive
critics such as Douglas Crimp perceptively and persuasively made the case
for Gran Fury's activism-as-art. The same, feminist-derived identity
politics that, en masse, brought art by people of color and queers into
the artworld, heightened the visibility of art about AIDS.
In addition to
"Silence=Death", two other public artworks--the "Ribbon Project" (or Red
Ribbon) and the "NAMES Project Quilt" --have come to symbolize the AIDS
crisis. Like Silence=Death, the Red Ribbon was created by an artists'
collective, the Visual AIDS's Artists' Caucus. (The Visual AIDS
group--founded in 1989 in New York by Gary Garrels, Tom Sokolowski, Bill
Olander and mystelf--produces the annual "Day Without Art" on December 1, among other
educational projects and events.) The Artists' Caucus produced the Ribbon
to subvert the onslaught of gooey jingoism unleashed by the Gulf War and
embodied in the yellow ribbon. (At the time, the Artists' Caucus comprised
Penny Arcade, Allan Frame, Marc Hoppel, Ira McCrudden, Frank Moore,
Michael Stohlbach and Jerry Tartaglia.) But what exactly are
"Silence=Death" and the "Red Ribbon?" Emblems? Symbols? Logos? Artworks?
Or all of the above? Some readers who have no problem accepting that
printed streetworks are art, may be troubled by such a suggestion. Like
other conceptual, non-object artworks, Silence=Death can't be bought or
sold. But art is more than objectmaking; it is also our culture's primary
visual means of awareness. (That's why Hollywood and Madison Ave. borrow
so much from contemporary artists.) In philosopher Hans Magnus
Enzensberger's words, art is a branch of the consciousness industry.
The "NAMES Project Quilt"
(organized in San Francisco by activist Cleve Jones and now headquartered
in Washington, DC) is that rare phenomenon in contemporary culture, a
genuine community artwork with no initial connection to artists or art
schools. Typically known simply as the "AIDS Quilt," and composed of more
than 50,000 three-by-six-foot, quilted, appliqued and collaged rectangles
of fabric, it commemorates fully 20 percent of the AIDS deaths in this
country. Since 1986, participants have created these quilt components for
friends, lovers or public figures like Arthur Ashe, Rock Hudson, and
Michel Foucault. Images of pets,
military medals, and drag queens coexist with slap-dash calligraphy, campy
humor and heart-rending tributes from loved ones. "Love you, Mark" takes
on new, poignant meaning when it's signed in glitter by Mom, Dad, and
Lover Steve.
Intended to be anonymous,
the "Red Ribbon" was designed as a symbol of commitment to people with
AIDS and the AIDS-struggle. It debuted on the televised Tony Award
cermemonies in late spring of 1991 and six months later you couldn't turn
on the tube without seeing it: at the Emmies, the People's Choice Awards,
and the Oscars; at sports events like the US Open; at Freddie Mercury's
"Concert for Life" in London; and on Presidential candidate Jerry Brown's
lapel. The Republican handlers who removed it from Barbara Bush's bodice
at the 1992 Republican Convention in Houston appreciated its apparently
subversive message. But by then, the Ribbon--like any successful "media"
artwork--had already assumed a life of its own. Its apotheosis as the
best-known emblem of the early 90s led to its mid-decade oversaturation as
a jeweled fashion accessory and computer screen-saver. In the weirdly
freeform realm of symbols, it also came to represent the frustration many
AIDS activists felt in the wake of the 1992 elections.
The ever-expanding quilt
is too large to be exhibited in its entirety. Its national debut took
place in 1987 on the mall in Washington, DC. Like Maya Lin's nearby
"Vietnam War Memorial"--whose black granite walls are inscribed with the
names of the deceased in the chronological order of their deaths--the
"NAMES Project Quilt" is shocking for its concreteness. But unlike the
memorial's haunting testimony to the facelessness of death, the Quilt is a
passionate affirmation of diversity. Nominated for a Nobel Prize in 1988,
the Quilt helped give the plague--and its sufferers--a human face.
Some AIDS activists have
criticized both the "NAMES Project Quilt" and the "Red Ribbon" for their
mild-mannered mode of address. But they miss the point. By the end of the
80s, the AIDS crisis had directly affected millions of Americans--PWAs and
their families, friends, and caregivers. The Quilt helps attend to the
needs of those mourning AIDS losses. The "Red Ribbon" is a bridge to
non-AIDS-involved audiences; a gentle first step--its founders hoped--on
the road to active support of PWAs. The "NAMES Project Quilt" and the "Red
Ribbon" helped transform AIDS from a syndrome that dare not speak its
name, to a subject that could be sympathetically raised in "People"
magazine and at least acknowledged by those seeing entertainment industry
darlings (and role models) strut their stuff at televised events.
Some AIDS activists have
criticized both the "NAMES Project Quilt" and the "Red Ribbon" for their
mild-mannered mode of address. But they miss the point. By the end of the
80s, the AIDS crisis had directly affected millions of Americans--PWAs and
their families, friends, and caregivers. The Quilt helps attend to the
needs of those mourning AIDS losses. The "Red Ribbon" is a bridge to
non-AIDS-involved audiences; a gentle first step--its founders hoped--on
the road to active support of PWAs. The "NAMES Project Quilt" and the "Red
Ribbon" helped transform AIDS from a syndrome that dare not speak its
name, to a subject that could be sympathetically raised in "People"
magazine and at least acknowledged by those seeing entertainment industry
darlings (and role models) strut their stuff at televised events.
In order to shift public
opinion, to alter the psychic landscape, such symbolic works must,
paradoxically, emphasize their "publicness" and distance from the
artworld. This also connects them with Dada-esque, guerrilla events:
Performance art-like demonstrations where protesters drop and others
render the contours of their fallen bodies in chalk, or a clandestine
action in which Queer Nation encased biblethumping Senator Jesse Helms' suburban, Washington home in
a gargantuan condom. But there's also a continuum linking these guerrilla
actions to mainstream events and observations--such as the annual
skyline-dimming "Night Without Light" or the application of a huge Red
Ribbon to the Eiffel Tower for a United Nations' AIDS conference--and to
art itself.
The Museum of Modern Art's
sponsorship of artist Felix Gonzalez-Torres's outdoor, photo-billboards of
his own empty, rumpled bed completed shortly after his lover's
AIDS-related death is an historic, but little discussed milestone of 1992.
It suggests how fully AIDS has radicalized art institutions. While works
like Gonzalez-Torres's have forebears in conceptual and feminist art of
the seventies', before the epidemic major museums had never sponsored such
provocative work at the time of its creation.
* * *
The American AIDS crisis
will eventually pass, if know-nothing zealots don't undermine every effort
to educate and distribute needles, or to support PWAs and needed research.
(As AmFAR founder Matilda Krim noted long ago "each step
in the escalation of the AIDS crisis was predictable, and could have been
countered.") The suffering caused by AIDS--and those who refuse to treat
it as a public health matter--is incalculable. In the not-so-distant
future, though, one paradigmatic, public artwork-a memorial nothing like
the pedestrian monuments that have been produced in places like Key
West--might someday be completed.
San Francisco artist Rudy
Lemcke conceived his memorial, "The Garden," as a river of stones flowing
over black granite, complemented by bronzed boulders that double as
seating. To grace its granite walls he's chosen the touching inscription
from Walt Whitman: "...comrades mine and I in their midst, and their
memory ever to keep." It's difficult to imagine a more affirming response
to an epidemic that's transformed the West Coast epicenter of American,
gay life.
Lemcke chose Harvey Milk Plaza for the site of
his Zen-inspired, place of meditation. Located at the
Market-and-Castro-streets entrance to one of the world's preeminent gay
ghettoes, this plaza is named after the city's first openly gay
supervisor, who was the target of a crazed assassin's bullet in 1978. This
highly symbolic location reminds us that the struggles of the past must be
commemorated and institutionalized.
Although city officials
approved the proposal in 1988, (mostly gay) opponents objected, one of the
first such instances in the country. They vociferously argued that a
memorial should await a cure and that the required $250,000 (to be raised
privately) would be better spent on research or treatment. Lemcke
countered that "psychological, spiritual and political health are also
real needs that must be acknowledged. The garden is a symbol of life and
continuity that will help meet them." Currently helping to midwife the
creation of the country's first, municipally-funded, lesbian and gay
cultural center, Lemcke believes that the garden will eventually be built.
The unfinished story of this project--and there are many stories like
Lemcke's--is an allegory of survival against daunting odds. Creating this
memorial is also a defiant act of faith.
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